Bolsonaro e Covid-19: negacionismo, militarismo e neoliberalismo / Bolsonaro and Covid-19: denialism, militarism and neoliberalism / Bolsonaro y Covid-19: negación, militarismo y neoliberalismo

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o discurso do presidente Bolsonaro em relação à pandemia da COVID-19, para discutir o diagrama das suas práticas governamentais. Realizamos uma cartografia das reportagens sobre as falas de Bolsonaro publicadas na mídia no período de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos três eixos de análise: Discurso negacionista e criação da própria narrativa; retórica militarista e criação do inimigo; e lógica neoliberal governamental. Constatamos que seu posicionamento e suas práticas necropolíticas estão à serviço da manutenção do funcionamento das engrenagens do diagrama neoliberal, em que a máxima defendida na contemporaneidade não é mais o "Fazer viver e deixar morrer", senão o "Produzir, e deixar morrer".

The aim of this article is to analyze President Bolsonaro's discourse regarding the COVID-19 pandemic in order to discuss the diagram of his governmental practices. We carried out a cartography of reports on Bolsonaro's speeches published in the media from 02/26/2020 to 06/20/2020. We elaborated three axes of analysis: Denialist discourse and creation of the narrative itself, Militaristic rhetoric and creation of the enemy, and Governmental neoliberal logic. We verified that his position and necropolitical practices are at the service of maintaining the functioning of the neoliberal diagram's gears, in which the maxim defended in contemporary times is no longer "Make live and let die", but "Produce and let die".

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el discurso del presidente Bolsonaro en relación a la pandemia de la COVID-19, para discutir el diagrama de sus prácticas gubernamentales. Realizamos una cartografía de los reportajes publicados en los medios de comunicación sobre las charlas de Bolsonaro en el periodo de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos tres ejes de análisis: Discurso negacionista y creación de la propia narrativa; Retorica militarista y creación del enemigo y Lógica neoliberal gubernamental. Constatamos que su posicionamiento y sus prácticas necropolíticas están al servicio de la manutención del funcionamiento de los engranajes del diagrama neoliberal, en que la máxima defendida en la contemporaneidad no es más el "Hacer vivir y dejar morir", sino el "Producir y dejar morir".

Association of Highly Restrictive State Abortion Policies With Abortion Rates, 2000-2014.

Importance: Although abortion is common in the United States, patients face substantial barriers to obtaining an abortion. Recently enacted abortion restrictions pose such barriers. Objectives: To assess the association between a state legislative climate that is highly restrictive toward abortion provision and the abortion rate and to evaluate whether distance to a facility providing abortion care mediates the association between legislative climate and the abortion rate. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort study examined county-of-residence abortion rates from all states that publicly provided them and used data on abortion restrictions, facility locations, and county demographic characteristics for the years 2000 to 2014. The association between legislative climate and abortion rates was evaluated using propensity score-weighted, linear regression difference-in-difference analysis. All models included state and year fixed effects and standard errors adjusted for state-level clustering. Exposures: Highly restrictive legislative climate, defined as having at least 3 of 4 types of abortion restrictions; distance to a high-volume facility providing abortion care (ie, performing ≥395 abortions per year) in miles. Main Outcomes and Measures: County-level abortion rate, defined as abortions per 1000 women per year. Results: Abortion rate data were obtained from 1178 counties in 18 states for a median of 12.5 years (range, 5-14). The median abortion rate was 2.89 per 1000 women (interquartile range, 1.71-4.46 per 1000 women). A highly restrictive legislative climate, when compared with a less restrictive one, was associated with 0.48 fewer abortions per 1000 women (95% CI, -0.92 to -0.04 abortions per 1000 women; P = .03). Adjusted for distance to a facility providing abortion care, a highly restrictive legislative climate was associated with 0.44 fewer abortions per 1000 women (95% CI, -0.85 to -0.03; P = .04). Each mile to a facility was associated with 0.02 fewer abortions per 1000 women (95% CI, -0.03 to -0.01 abortions per 1000 women; P = .003). Legislative climate was not significantly associated with distance to a facility providing abortion care (change in distance associated with highly restrictive climate, -2.73 [95% CI, -6.02 to 0.57] miles; P = .10). Conclusions and Relevance: This study provides evidence that a state legislative climate that is highly restrictive toward abortion provision is associated with a lower abortion rate. The cumulative effect of restrictive policies may pose a barrier to abortion access.

Supervision Strategies and Their Correlates: An Empirical Study of Chinese Community Correctional Staff.

While there are different approaches to dealing with offenders sentenced to community corrections, the three major ones are law enforcement (surveillance), therapeutic (rehabilitation), and crime opportunity prevention. Using the study of U.S. community corrections staff by Miller as a guide, the current study examined the supervision strategy used by Chinese community corrections staff in the Hubei province of China. Chinese community corrections staff were more likely to use the therapeutic and crime opportunity prevention approaches than the law enforcement model. Predictors of each of the three offender supervision approaches differed. The results from Chinese staff were similar in many ways to that found among U.S. staff reported by Miller but differed in some areas.

Diminished Responsibility: Law Reform in the United Kingdom and Personal Perspective on Forensic Psychiatric Practice in Hong Kong.

This commentary discusses law reform on diminished responsibility in the United Kingdom and provides a personal perspective on forensic psychiatric practice relating to diminished responsibility in Hong Kong.

Suicide by firearm in Switzerland: who uses the army weapon? Results from the national survey between 2000 and 2010.

AIMS: In comparison with other central European countries, Switzerland has a high prevalence of gun ownership and a high rate of suicide by shooting. After the Army XXI reform in 2003, which reduced personnel from about 400,000 to approximately 200,000, a decline in suicides by firearms and a decline in the total number of suicides was observed in national data spanning the period from 2000 to 2010. It is, however, unclear whether this decline can be linked to the reduced availability of military guns. This study explored whether the decline in suicide by firearms is related to the decline of suicides by army weapons. METHODS: In 83.1% (n = 1112) of the 1338 suicides by firearm between 2000 and 2010 in Switzerland, the firearm could be categorised as an army weapon or a non-army weapon. The army weapon was used in 39.1% of these suicides. In comparison with other firearms, those who used army weapons tended to be younger and more likely to have a university degree. A prior suicide attempt was found less often in cases using a military weapon than other firearms. After the Army XXI reform, there was a significant drop in suicides by males aged 18 to 43 years using an army weapon, but no change in male suicide rates in the same age group who used a non-army weapon. The drop was statistically linked to a reduction of suicide by the army gun. RESULTS: The army weapon was used in 39.1% of suicides by firearm between 2000 and 2010 in Switzerland. In comparison with other methods, those who used army weapons tended to be younger and more likely to have a university degree. A prior suicide attempt was found less often in cases using a military weapon than other methods. After the Army XXI reform, there was a significant drop in suicides by males aged 18 to 43 years using an army weapon, but no change in males' suicide rates in the same age group who used a non-army weapon. The drop was statistically linked to a reduction of suicide by the army gun. CONCLUSIONS: Males who use army weapons differ from those who use other types of weapons. The significant drop in suicides was found in males aged 18 to 43 but there was no change in males of the same age group who used a non-army weapon. These results support the hypotheses that the observed drop in suicides is linked to the Army XXI reform and that restriction of access to guns is essential for reducing suicides by firearm.

Trends in female and male drunken driving prevalence over thirty years: Triangulating diverse sources of evidence (1985-2015).

INTRODUCTION: Women have lower rates of drunken driving than men, but their share of arrests has been climbing since 1985. These trends may stem from changes in women's lives that lead to more drinking and driving, or to greater reductions in male drinking and driving. Alternatively, changes in policy and enforcement that focus on less intoxicated offenders may inadvertently target female-typical offending patterns. This paper tracked male and female drunken driving rates and the DUI sex ratio in the United States from 1985 to 2015 across three data sources. METHODS: The sex ratio and prevalence estimates were derived from official arrest statistics from Uniform Crime Reports, self-reports from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and traffic fatality data from the National Highway and Transportation Safety Administration. Rates were assessed for four age groups (18-20, 21-34, 35-49, and 50-64), and drunken driving trends tested using Augmented Dickey-Fuller time-series methods. RESULTS: Decreases in DUI rates stagnated over the first decade of 2000, but have again begun to decline, according to self-reports and traffic fatality data, for all sex-by-age groups. Still, the gender gap in DUI arrests continues to narrow. From 1990 to the early 2000s, changes in social control that made female DUI more visible narrowed the gender gap in arrests. In more recent years, narrowing of the gap is due primarily to male rates declining more steeply than female rates. CONCLUSION: Results indicate that we need more research to understand why female declines have not kept pace with male declines and perhaps more targeted prevention efforts aimed at women.

[Elderly and state: specificity of relationships in contemporary Russia on the example of elderly residents of Saint-Petersburg.]

The article presents the sociological research results of paternalistic attitudes that determine relationships between the state and the elderly in the context of new socio-economic conditions. It was revealed that the previous paternalistic expectations of the elderly are stable and manifested more in the older age group (71-90 years old). The younger age group of the elderly (55-70 years old) begins to distance themselves from the guardianship of the state and relies more on their own resources under new circumstances. Four types of elderly persons were revealed that are differentiated by the degree of social situation reflection adequacy, the state resources reliance, and their own activity. Paternalism takes on new forms, reflected in older generation citizens' mentality.

Inventing the Pedophile in the Journal of Homosexuality.

This article serves as one of the supplementary pieces of this special issue on "Mapping Queer Bioethics," in which we take a solipsistic turn to "map" the Journal of Homosexuality itself. Here, the author examines one of the most controversial moments in the history of the journal, whereby a contributor was subject to governmental and popular rebuke for his scholarship on pederasty, pedophilia, and underage queer sexuality. In a chronological and intellectual appraisal of this pedophilia-themed text, the author asks us to recalibrate the disquietude we posit when same-sex affection, youthful sexuality, and sexual abuse are in close proximity.

Changing practice and policy to move to scale: a framework for age-friendly communities across the United States.

A new body of work has emerged under the category of creating age-friendly communities. This article briefly reviews the current state of the work and discusses a potential framework for moving to scale. Based on an understanding that the majority of the local challenges to aging in community stem from state and national policies and practices, the article calls for a measure of "creative destruction" in local efforts. That is, dysfunctional state and national systems should be boldly marked for demolition. Local age-friendly community work must be conceived of and positioned to engage larger policy issues, identify problems, and be part of a process of reinventing larger federal, state, and local policies and practices.

Change in suicide rates in Switzerland before and after firearm restriction resulting from the 2003 "Army XXI" reform.

OBJECTIVE: Firearms are the most common method of suicide among young men in Switzerland. From March 2003 through February 2004, the number of Swiss soldiers was halved as a result of an army reform (Army XXI), leading to a decrease in the availability of guns nationwide. The authors investigated the patterns of the overall suicide rate and the firearm suicide rate before and after the reform. METHOD: Using a naturalistic study design, the authors compared suicide rates before (1995­2003) and after the intervention (2004­2008) in the affected population (men ages 18­43) and in two comparison groups (women ages 18­44 and men ages 44­53). Data were received from the Swiss Federal Statistical Office. Interrupted time series analysis was used to control for preexisting temporal trends. Alternative methods (Poisson regression, autocorrelation analysis, and surrogate data tests) were used to check validity. RESULTS: The authors found a reduction in both the overall suicide rate and the firearm suicide rate after the Army XXI reform. No significant increases were found for other suicide methods overall. An increase in railway suicides was observed. It was estimated that 22% of the reduction in firearm suicides was substituted by other suicide methods. The attenuation of the suicide rate was not compensated for during the follow-up years. Neither of the comparison groups showed statistically significant changes in firearm suicide rate and overall suicide rate. CONCLUSIONS: The restriction of firearm availability in Switzerland resulting from the Army XXI reform was followed by an enduring decrease in the general suicide rate.

Conselho de favores: controle social na saúde: a voz dos seus atores / Council favors: social control in health care: the voice of their actors

Este livro analisa o depoimento de conselheiros de saúde, representantes dos usuários, em três capitais (Rio de Janeiro, Porto Alegre e Recife). Seu objetivo é conhecer os valores que regem a sua atuação. A maioria dos entrevistados tem um perfil socioeconômico de baixa renda e uma escolaridade residual. Os resultados da pesquisa são surpreendentes: os conselheiros entrevistados atuam nestes fóruns para atender, sobretudo seus interesses particulares. Para tanto, é construída uma rede de favores recíprocos que envolve conselheiros, políticos e cidadãos. Assim a prática patrimonialista, que usa o poder público para obtenção de benefício privado parece não se restringir às elites parlamentares ou executivas de nosso país. Neste livro os depoentes descrevem a estrutura e o funcionamento da lógica da troca recíproca de favores sem qualquer embaraço.

Políticas públicas de fomento ao controle social: estudo da relação entre participação social e falhas na gestão pública em prefeituras municipais na região Nordeste / Public policies that promote social control: a study of the relationship between social participation and failures in governance at municipal governments in the Northeast

Este estudo visa a contribuir com o debate acerca da participação social nas atividades de fiscalização e controle da implementação de políticas públicas. A partir de ideias encontradas no arcabouço teórico que discute esse tema, buscou-se verificar em que medida as falhas constatadas pela Controladoria-Geral da União (CGU) nas fiscalizações e auditorias que se realizam no âmbito dos municípios brasileiros se correlacionam ao perfil participativo da sociedade civil em cidades da região Nordeste. Os resultados desta pesquisa sinalizam que entre participação social e falhas na gestão pública não se observam apenas relações diretas e positivas, mas diversas combinações entre essas duas variáveis.

Periculosidade versus cidadania: os sentidos da atenção à crise nas práticas discursivas dos profissionais de um Centro de Atenção Psicossocial / Periculosity and citizenship: the meanings of attention to the crisis in the discursive practices of the Psychosocial Healthcare Centers professionals

A crise, considerada a expressão da doença psíquica, refere-se a situações em que, no curso do desenvolvimento de vida, ocorrem vivências conflitivas que geram rupturas com a realidade socialmente aceita e com os laços afetivos que sustentam a pessoa. Esta pesquisa objetiva conhecer os sentidos presentes nas práticas discursivas dos profissionais acerca da atenção à crise nos Centros de Atenção Psicossocial (CAPS). Caracteriza-se por uma abordagem qualitativa que utiliza a perspectiva teórica do Construcionismo Social. Os dados utilizados fazem parte do banco de dados da pesquisa Avaliação dos Centros de Atenção Psicossocial da Região Sul do Brasil (CAPSUL). No presente estudo, analisamos 27 entrevistas realizadas com profissionais do Centro de Atenção Psicossocial de Alegrete e três diários de campo com o registro de 390 horas de observação. A análise dos dados identificou sentidos - periculosidade e cidadania - que foram discutidos na busca de compreender sua influência na construção de práticas de atenção à crise.

The crisis, considered the expression of mental illness, refers to situations in which, during the development of life, there are conflicting experiences that generate ruptures with the socially accepted reality and the emotional ties that sustain the person. This study aims at getting to know the meanings present in the discursive practices of professionals concerning the attention to the crisis in the Psychosocial Healthcare Centers (CAPS). It is characterized by a qualitative approach that uses the theoretical perspective of social constructionism. The data used are part of the database research Evaluation of Psychosocial Healthcare Centers in Southern part of Brazil - CAPSUL. In this study, 27 interviews with professionals from the Psychosocial Healthcare Center of Alegrete city and three field diaries with the record of 390 observation hours were analyzed. Data analysis identified the meanings - periculosity and citizenship - which were discussed in an attempt to understand their influence on the construction of attention practices to the crisis.

The cancer of bureaucracy: how it will destroy science, medicine, education; and eventually everything else.

Everyone living in modernizing 'Western' societies will have noticed the long-term, progressive growth and spread of bureaucracy infiltrating all forms of social organization: nobody loves it, many loathe it, yet it keeps expanding. Such unrelenting growth implies that bureaucracy is parasitic and its growth uncontrollable - in other words it is a cancer that eludes the host immune system. Old-fashioned functional, 'rational' bureaucracy that incorporated individual decision-making is now all-but extinct, rendered obsolete by computerization. But modern bureaucracy evolved from it, the key 'parasitic' mutation being the introduction of committees for major decision-making or decision-ratification. Committees are a fundamentally irrational, incoherent, unpredictable decision-making procedure; which has the twin advantages that it cannot be formalized and replaced by computerization, and that it generates random variation or 'noise' which provides the basis for natural selection processes. Modern bureaucracies have simultaneously grown and spread in a positive feedback cycle; such that interlinking bureaucracies now constitute the major environmental feature of human society which affects organizational survival and reproduction. Individual bureaucracies must become useless parasites which ignore the 'real-world' in order to adapt to rapidly-changing 'bureaucratic reality'. Within science, the major manifestation of bureaucracy is peer review, which - cancer-like - has expanded to obliterate individual authority and autonomy. There has been local elaboration of peer review and metastatic spread of peer review to include all major functions such as admissions, appointments, promotions, grant review, project management, research evaluation, journal and book refereeing and the award of prizes. Peer review eludes the immune system of science since it has now been accepted by other bureaucracies as intrinsically valid, such that any residual individual decision-making (no matter how effective in real-world terms) is regarded as intrinsically unreliable (self-interested and corrupt). Thus the endemic failures of peer review merely trigger demands for ever-more elaborate and widespread peer review. Just as peer review is killing science with its inefficiency and ineffectiveness, so parasitic bureaucracy is an un-containable phenomenon; dangerous to the extent that it cannot be allowed to exist unmolested, but must be utterly extirpated. Or else modernizing societies will themselves be destroyed by sclerosis, resource misallocation, incorrigibly-wrong decisions and the distortions of 'bureaucratic reality'. However, unfortunately, social collapse is the more probable outcome, since parasites can evolve more rapidly than host immune systems.

Do controle social à gestão participativa: perspectivas pós-soberanas para a participação política no SUS / From the Social Control to the Participative Management: post sovereignty perspectives for political participation in the SUS

Este trabalho parte da hipótese de que discutir a participação política no SUS exige a problematização das opções e concepções que orientam sua definição como controle social, operacionalizado por meio de mecanismos de representação de interesses. Desta forma, a intenção de promover uma reflexão sobre a participação política no SUS é remetida ao cotidiano institucional, como desafio de construção de modos de gestão participativos. A proposta metodológica baseia-se em uma abordagem filosófica, que tem por objetivo delinear os conceitos e dispositivos de gestão propostos no campo da Saúde Coletiva, as inovações teóricas que ofertam ao debate sobre a gestão em saúde, tendo por marcador o tema da política. Nesse sentido, elegemos como perspectiva de análise as rupturas e os planos que constituem este campo, procurando mapear o que essa produção faz emergir como oportunidade de constituição de novas práticas sociais e dispositivos institucionais de gestão. Denominamos matrizes conceituais os dois planos filosóficos que selecionamos para estudo no campo da Saúde Coletiva, a saber, o Planejamento em Saúde e o Modelo Assistencial em Defesa da Vida. Por fim a pesquisa procura dialogar com as produções teóricas analisadas, tendo por referência a definição de política como experimentação, invenção de territórios existenciais, criação de valor inerente às implicações normativas da atividade, o que nos coloca o problema da transformação dos espaços institucionais e a produção das normas que os determinam...

This work is based on the hypothesis that discussing the political participation at the SUS requires problematization of options and concepts that guide its definition as social control, operated by mechanisms of interests’ representation. The promotion of a reflection on thepolitical participation at the SUS is referred to the institutional routine, as a challenge to build participative management modes. The methodological proposal is based on a philosophicalapproach, whose aim is to outline management concepts and devices proposed by Public Health, their theoretical innovations in the debate on healthcare management, marked by thetheme of politics. Conceptual matrixes are the two philosophical plans selected for study in the field of Public Health, i.e., Health Planning and the Assistance Model in Defense of Life. The concept of Politics adopted here is defined not in terms of (formal) equality as opposed to(social) differences, but as co-production of the reality built within the relations between Equality and Difference, as access and use of common goods, in their indefinite and open capacity to create values. Thinking about participation in these terms means to build participations as means of setting rules, and not only controlling the fulfillment and inspection of current rules. So we propose considering management as co-production of healthcare, from the publicization and reticulated articulation of the normative dimension of human activity, what means arguing the concrete production (thus local) of public politics and interventions. Among the main theoretical issues discussed here, we point out the articulation of cooperationnetworks and the construction of knowledge, technical support and devices that allow the production and legitimacy of the Health-value as common good. This perspective explains the implications we want to incorporate to the concept of participative management as a possible government post-authoritative technology...